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Demonstrations in Yangon and Rakhine state annoyed OIC’s foreign ministers’ visit


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The recent OIC’s foreign ministers visit to Myanmar was, in fact, since the last year’s continuation efforts of Organization of Islamic Conference to pay visit to Myanmar under the agreement of Union Government of Myanmar to evaluate the situation in Myanmar. OIC is comprised with (57) Islamic countries from every corner of the world and it has been extending helping hands to the needy people of the world under the theme of regardless of race, religion and cultural differences, since its emergence.

From the one hand, after having been agreed by the government of Myanmar to allow the OIC to pay visit to Myanmar in the last year, there had been intentional nonstop demonstrations, all over the country against the OIC’s visit, which might have been led or screwed from the other hand by both the inner circle of government of Myanmar and all coordinated Rakhine Political parties such as RNDP and ALD which is led by vet. Aye Maung and Aye Thar Aung.

In the year 2012, because of the mushroom like free hand demonstrations which were being permitted by the authorities to celebrate shamelessly to be seen by people of the world, that had totally been against the OIC, U Thein Sein has ended up by himself to stop the OIC’s visit under the pretext of mass people’ desire that do not need OIC’s official visit which to have had a helpful assessment against the violence that had been one-sidedly erupted along entire Rakhine state and Myanmar proper, targeting the innocent Muslims.

Seeing the OIC countries’ disunity among them and the true loophole of the weakness of the Muslims Ummah of the world by the government of Myanmar and Rakhine (Maugh) intellectual people, it was seemed to have adopted an annihilated plan to finish Rohingyas and Muslims of Burma while there wouldn’t be any outcry or helping hand from the Muslims Ummah of the world.

But right now, we entire Myanmar people are highly appreciative to seeing the meticulous endeavor of OIC’s delegates in the United Nations to help solve the problem of Rohingyas and others very peacefully in the sidelines of the UN and also happy to notice the OIC’s constructive engagement to work with the government of Myanmar without setting any blockage which may curve the regime of Myanmar and become a block stone to the democratic reform of Thein Sein regime with the United Power of OIC in the United Nations.

Organization of Islamic Conference is neither a super power wielding organization nor a bully union similar to the United Nations Security Council to use the ultimate authorized power to the targeted destination nor does it have remarkable records that have ever interfered in any United Nations member country of the world in its history!

Having been the very useful multilateral diplomatic channels for the sake of the country, ultimately, U Thein Sein government has realized to allow the goodwill visit of OIC foreign ministers to Myanmar to do their works with the coordination efforts of Myanmar government in every level.

After having an agreement with the OIC in the United Nations sidelines to coordinate in matter relevant, OIC was set to pay visit to Myanmar under the bilateral agreement. While OIC was in Myanmar, there have been several deceitful, cunning and devious demonstrations which were being arranged by RNDP, ALD and their grassroots level townships and village organs that have been debauching and humiliating the valuable guests all along the trip.

Neither, such the demonstrations will help solve the outstanding problems which so far unsolved and become regional and international issue in which all incumbents of the world have been involved nor the culprits who have undertaken in along massacre and overall social devastation of Rohingyas, Kaman and Burmese Muslims will be able to escape from the international criminal courts but rather the past demonstrations and next coming ones will worsen the unsolved problem more complex for the peaceful solution to the problem.

Being Myanmar and OIC are the same developing countries status, OIC has a sympathetic attitude on Myanmar and no country is above one another. OIC does not want to put any head-ache on Myanmar government because no OIC country is a super power in its Organization or a collective super power to push any country of the world into troubling angle rather to engage in collective work-done bilaterally and multilaterally.

To save face of the nation and to be honest, the Union Government is responsible for overall things happenings along the country. Rhetoric RNDP chair vet. Aye Maung, Aye Thar Aung and some of their ignorant grassroots leaders should be confined, arrested and put in long terms jail
imprisonment for the sake the Union, Rakhine state and that of the people’ bright future because Aye Maung, Aye Thar Aung and some Rakhine politicians and parliamentarians are ultra-violent attitude to the nation building task, peaceful co-existence, harmonious society, rehabilitation, reconstruction process and become chauvinistic to the nature of very reality and a big stumbling stone for the sake of the country.

credit: Myo Thant

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Human Right violation will continue if the World won’t put pressure on Burma

AUNG AUNG (SITTWE) (27/10/2013)


Our era of modern civilization is characterized as much by war and conflict as it is by peace and democracy. The twentieth century was the century of war. 21st century is full of Dictators’ mischief against democracy, human right and religion. 1000s of good people stand for reality, justice, and human right on Earth. Unfortunately some leaders support dictators, mischief, and injustice, and deny human dignity and human right. They are worse than cruel dictators, shame on those leaders!

A good leader should remains as humble as common people after accomplishment of admire, wealth, and fame; showing an impressive strength of character, morality, and virtue. The person who risk his or her life, wealth and reputation, and bear criticize for a lie in order to get higher worldly position, cannot be a good leader. History is full of people, who saying one thing and doing another can never change people. A good leader should be a good exemplar of high moral conduct and virtue. A liar cannot be a good leader. A good leader must know his people thoroughly to educate them and lead them to realize a great cause. We need to learn each other before we judge each other.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi became famous as democracy icon of Burma but she failed to tell the reality as she developed her grudge against her Muslim boyfriend of her youth. She uses her personal anger against all Muslims and started the destruction of humanity, human right and justice. She has been denying existence of Rohingya knowingly. When only 10 persons left to support her, a Rohingya leader, U Kyaw Myint was one of them. Today, she openly denies Rohingya’s existence, ethnic cleansing and human right violation because of her grudge against Muslims.

More than 300000 Rohingya left the country because of persecution in 1977-78. When Myanmar Government received those refugees under UN supervision, Dictator Ne Win accepted most of the refugees back as Rohingya, Myanmar citizens. I attached an official document of returning refugee in which the race of refugee was written Rohingya, not Bangali.

As denial of Sun’s existence by the whole humanity cannot remove the Sun, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s denial cannot cease Rohingya’s existence. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s stand for Dictators is a sign of future human right violation in Burma. We need World’s support to put pressure on Myanmar Government.

Blair Follows in Clinton’s Footsteps at Myanmar Peace Center

Tony Blair, Myanmar, Burma, Myanmar Peace Center, MPC,

Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair speaks at the Myanmar Peace Center in Rangoon on Friday. (Photo: Myanmar Peace Center / Facebook)

RANGOON – They were the late-1990s peacemakers–Third Way buddy-cops whose ready smiles, demonstrative hand gestures and varnished empathy helped broker deals in places as different as Kosovo and Northern Ireland.

And as night follows day, on Friday Tony Blair trailed Bill Clinton to Rangoon’s Myanmar Peace Center, with the former British Prime Minister giving a similar speech to the ex-US President—only 22 hours later and to a slightly smaller crowd.

Echoing the geographic content of Clinton’s Thursday talk, Blair’s Friday foray mentioned the Middle East, Northern Ireland and Nigeria. And as Clinton gave a touching first-person anecdote about reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda, Blair recounted a meeting held right after the 1998 Omagh bombing, a terrorist act carried out by an Irish Republican Army (IRA) splinter group that ranks as the single deadliest atrocity of the thirty-year conflict in Northern Ireland.

Blair recalled being told by one of the bereaved that “I just lost the two people dearest to me in the world. But I want you to go and work to make sure that no one suffers the way I am now.”

Former US President Bill Clinton spoke at the Myanmar Peace Center in Rangoon on Thursday. (Photo: Simon Roughneen / The Irrawaddy)

Blair and Clinton met for a while last night, and, said Blair, marveled at how it would have been unimaginable to both men, while they were in office,  that they would in future cross paths in the former military-ruled Burma.

It seems, however, that Blair might have slipped a copy of Clinton’s speech into his briefcase before the two men parted ways.

“You don’t make peace with your friends, you make peace with your enemies,” Blair intoned, the versatile truism almost word-for-word a fragment of Clinton’s speech the day before.

Like Clinton, Blair sought to allude to contemporary Burma by describing possible parallels elsewhere, but for the most part did not discuss Burma directly.

Burma’s government has signed 14 ceasefires with the country’s ethnic militias—which the latter hope will lead to political negotiations about granting greater autonomy for Burma’s minority regions. Blair gave his implicit backing to the Burma government’s sequencing to date, saying “it is hard to make peace possible without achieving this [a ceasefire] first.”

But breaking with the tightly-controlled format of the Clinton event on Thursday, Blair fielded 10 questions—albeit queries pre-screened and pre-selected by the Myanmar Peace Centre.

“How can a Burmese Muslim become a British?” the former British prime minister was asked, the question said to have come from a Muslim in strife-ridden Arakan State in Burma’s west, and read aloud by Kyaw Yin Hlaing, an advisor to Burma’s Government.

“You have enough to do to get them into here,” Blair replied, somewhat bemused. “And that’s all I am going to say,” he quickly concluded.

Blair has made three previous visits to Burma in past year, as his international political and business consultancy projects have expanded into countries as far-flung as Albania, Brazil, Kazakhstan and Vietnam. Blair made no mention, nor was he asked, of whether this visit is linked to his lucrative advisory and consultancy work.

Buddhist Protests Continue as OIC Prepares for Arakan Visit

Muslim, Buddhist, Myanmar, Arakan, Rakhine, inter-communal violence, sectarian violence, OIC

RANGOON — Protests against the visit of an Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) delegation continued on Thursday as about 200 Buddhists took to the streets in Meikthila, Mandalay Division, while Buddhists in Sittwe and Rangoon said they were planning further demonstrations.

On the second day of the visit, the OIC travelled to the capital Naypyidaw and on Friday the delegation will pay what is expected to be a tense visit to Sittwe, the capital of strife-torn Arakan State.

The delegation of the OIC, a grouping of 57 Islamic countries, comprises OIC Secretary-general Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu and senior officials from Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Djibouti and Bangladesh.

The delegation reportedly met with top Burmese officials on Thursday, but President Office spokesman Ye Htut told VOA that the delegation would not meet with President Thein Sein. National League for Democracy officials reportedly said the OIC would neither meet with Aung San Suu Kyi.

Minutes from an OIC Independent Permanent Human Rights Commission meeting on Oct. 31 indicate that the organization wanted to conduct “a fact-finding mission to Myanmar to assess the situation of Rohingya Muslims,” a stateless minority living in northern Arakan State.

The government has released few details about the OIC visit, but officials have said the trip would help the organization gain an understanding of the real situation on the ground in Burma.

An UN employee based in Sittwe said the OIC delegation was expected to arrive in the Arakan capital on Friday afternoon. The aid worker, who declined to be named, said the delegation would be accompanied by central government officials and US Ambassador Derrick Mitchell, adding that the delegation was expected to stay one night in Sittwe.

“They will visit the IDP camps, but I don’t know which camps they will go to,” the UN staffer said, adding that only senior UN officials had been informed about the details of the OIC visit. “This is all being arranged by the central government—they arranged the helicopters already,” the aid worker added.

During two waves of violence between Arakanese Buddhists and the Rohingya Muslim minority last year 192 people were killed and 140,000 people were displaced, mostly Muslims. The displaced Rohingyas continue to languish in dirty, crowded camps, where they receive little support from the government, which refuses to recognize the persecuted group as Burmese citizens.

The international community has repeatedly criticized the government’s response to the Arakan crisis. Human rights groups have alleged that the Burmese government—which is dominated by Buddhist officials—gave tacit support to Buddhist mob attacks on Rohingya villages.

Indonesian delegation member Ark Hananto told the Associated Press on Wednesday that the OIC had received security guarantees of the government for their Arakan State visit. International aid workers and journalists have reportedly been temporarily barred from travelling to Sittwe during the visit.

In Meikthila, on Thursday, some 200 people protested against the OIC visit, after they heard rumors that the delegation would inspect the situation in the city, which was hit by deadly anti-Muslim violence in late March.

“We held a protest of about 200 people, half of them Buddhist monks. Because we heard that they [the OIC] were going to visit today, but we didn’t see them yet,” said a protest organizer, who declined to be named.

“We got government permission to protest this morning,” she added.

Arakanese Buddhists in Sittwe told The Irrawaddy that they would hold large protests against the OIC visit on Friday.

“We have government permit to protest already, so we’ll be at the airport to protest tomorrow morning,” said Tun Hlaing, an organizer of the protest. “We will all meet at airport at 9 am. We will protest at the airport. They [the OIC] will come with a Myanmar Airline flight, that’s what we heard,” he added.

Aung Win, a Rohingya activist from Sittwe Township, said the local Muslim community hoped they would have an opportunity to meet with OIC delegation to express their concerns about their dire situation in Arakan State.

“If I have a chance to talk to them [the OIC], I will speak about our problems because there are still problems, even though one year has passed” since violence broke out, he added.

Aung Win said, however, that Rohingya leaders had received no information from the Arakan State authorities about the delegation’s plan to meet with their community. “I am worried that the state government will not give them much freedom … and just give them little time to meet with the displaced,” he added.

Some 1,000 people took the streets in Burma’s biggest city Rangoon on Tuesday to protest against the visit, after they obtained a government permit for the demonstration.

Protests against the OIC are also being planned in Rangoon on Friday and Saturday, Wai Lin Aung, a Buddhist organizer, said. “We will have protest at Shwedagon Pagoda tomorrow. Then, we will have another one at the [Rangoon] airport the next day,” he said.

Local Muslim leaders in Rangoon said they did not yet have an opportunity to meet with the OIC. Asked about the anti-OIC protests, Haji Aye Lwin, a leader of the Yangon Islamic Center, said, “They have the right to protest, but it is important to understand the reasons of the OIC visit to the country.”

Last year, a plan to open an OIC office in Burma led to nationwide protests. The plan was cancelled and earlier this year, the Burmese government rebuffed calls from the OIC to allow a delegation to visit and discuss the Rohingya issue.

ရခုိင္အၾကမ္းဖက္မ်ားႏွင့္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ ေသဆံုးသူႏွင့္ ဒဏ္ရာရသူ႐ုိပာင္ဂ်ာမ်ား


ႏို၀င္ဘာ ၂၊ ၂၀၁၃
ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္မ္မီဒီယာ
သတင္းအျပည့္အစံုဖတ္ရန္

ေပါက္ေတာ ဆင္တက္ေမာ္မွ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ တစ္ဦး အသတ္ခံရ

 

RB News
2.11.2013
ေပါက္ေတာ ။ ။ ရခုိင္ ျပည္နယ္၊ ေပါက္ေတာ ၿမဳိ႕နယ္၊ ဆင္တက္ေမာ္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းမွ ရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာ တစ္ဦး အသတ္ခံ ရၿပီး၊ ၅ ဦး ျပင္းထန္စြာ ဒဏ္ရာ ရရွိေၾကာင္း သတင္း ရရွိပါသည္။
ယေန႔ နံနက္ပုိင္းတြင္ေပါက္ေတာၿမဳိ႕နယ္ဆင္တက္ေမာ္ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမွရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ အခ်ဳိ႕ သည္ ေတာင္ေပၚ တြင္ ထင္းခုတ္ရန္ သြားရာ ရခုိင္ အစြန္းေရာက္ အခ်ဳိ႕မွ တုိက္ခုိက္ျခင္းကုိ ခံရၿပီး ထင္း ခုတ္သြား သူ မ်ား ထဲမွာ ဒုံးရြာသား ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ တစ္ဦးကုိ ရခုိင္ မ်ားက ဓါးျဖင့္ ခုတ္ရာ ထုိေနရာတြင္ပင္ ပြဲခ်င္းၿပီး ေသဆုံး သြားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရွိ ရပါသည္။
ထုိ႔ေနာက္အသက္ရွင္ၿပီးထြက္ေျပးလာႏုိင္ခဲ့သည့္ထင္းခုတ္သမားမ်ား ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းသုိ႔ၿပန္ လည္ ေရာက္ ရွိ လာၿပီး၊ ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းမွ ဒုကၡသည္ မ်ားႏွင့္ အေလာင္းယူ ရန္ ျပန္အ သြား တြင္ ဆင္ တက္ေမာ္ ရခုိင္ ရြာတြင္ လုံၿခဳံေရး တာ၀န္ ယူထားသူသည့္ လုံၿခဳံေရး မ်ားက ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္ လူ အုပ္ ကုိ ပစ္ခတ္ ရာ တြင္ ၅ ဦး ျပင္းထန္စြာ ဒဏ္ရာ ရရွိေၾကာင္း သိရွိ ရပါသည္။
ထုိကဲ့သုိ႔ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား အသတ္ ခံရျခင္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ မေက်နပ္မႈ မ်ားေၾကာင့္ ေပါက္ေတာ ၿမဳိ႕ရွိ ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္း အေျခအေနမွာ တင္းမာလ်က္ ရွိၿပီး၊ စစ္ေတြ ၿမဳိ႕တြင္လည္း လုံၿခဳံေရးမ်ား သာမာန္ အခ်ိန္ ထက္ ထူထပ္စြာ ခ်ထားလ်က္ ရွိေၾကာင္း သိရွိ ရသည္။

ရခုိင္ အၾကမ္းဖက္ သမား မ်ား၏ ရက္စက္ လူမဆန္စြာ ဓါးျဖင့္ ခုတ္သတ္ ခံရသူမွာ ဦးႏူရ္ ဟူေဆာင္ (ဘ) ဦးဆာေလအဟမတ္ (အသက္ ၅၅ ႏွစ္) ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ၎သည္ ကေလး ငါးဦး၏ ဖခင္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံ တစ္ဦးက RB News သို႔ ေျပာပါသည္။

(ဓါတ္ပုံ – စစ္ေတြ IDP)

Special Report – In Myanmar, apartheid tactics against minority Muslims

Wed, May 15 06:22 AM EDT
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By Jason Szep

SITTWE, Myanmar (Reuters) – A 16-year-old Muslim boy lay dying on a thin metal table. Bitten by a rabid dog a month ago, he convulsed and drooled as his parents wedged a stick between his teeth to stop him from biting off his tongue.

Swift treatment might have saved Waadulae. But there are no doctors, painkillers or vaccines in this primitive hospital near Sittwe, capital of Rakhine State in western Myanmar. It is a lonely medical outpost that serves about 85,300 displaced people, almost all of them Muslims who lost their homes in fighting with Buddhist mobs last year.

“All we can give him is sedatives,” said Maung Maung Hla, a former health ministry official who, despite lacking a medical degree, treats about 150 patients a day. The two doctors who once worked there haven’t been seen in a month. Medical supplies stopped when they left, said Maung Maung Hla, a Muslim.

These trash-strewn camps represent the dark side of Myanmar’s celebrated transition to democracy: apartheid-like policies segregating minority Muslims from the Buddhist majority. As communal violence spreads, nowhere are these practices more brutally enforced than around Sittwe.

In an echo of what happened in the Balkans after the fall of communist Yugoslavia, the loosening of authoritarian control in Myanmar is giving freer rein to ethnic hatred.

President Thein Sein, a former general, said in a May 6 televised speech his government was committed to creating “a peaceful and harmonious society in Rakhine State.”

But the sand dunes and barren paddy fields outside Sittwe hold a different story. Here, emergency shelters set up for Rohingya Muslims last year have become permanent, prison-like ghettos. Muslims are stopped from leaving at gunpoint. Aid workers are threatened. Camps seethe with anger and disease.

In central Sittwe, ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and local officials exult in what they regard as a hard-won triumph: streets almost devoid of Muslims. Before last year’s violence, the city’s Muslims numbered about 73,000, nearly half its population. Today, there are fewer than 5,000 left.

Myanmar’s transformation from global pariah to budding democracy once seemed remarkably smooth. After nearly half a century of military dictatorship, the quasi-civilian government that took power in March 2011 astonished the world by releasing dissidents, relaxing censorship and re-engaging with the West.

Then came the worst sectarian violence for decades. Clashes between Rakhine Buddhists and stateless Rohingya Muslims in June and October 2012 killed at least 192 people and displaced 140,000. Most of the dead and homeless were Muslims.

“Rakhine State is going through a profound crisis” that “has the potential to undermine the entire reform process,” said Tomás Ojea Quintana, U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar.

Life here, he said, resembles junta-era Myanmar, with rampant human-rights abuses and a pervasive security apparatus. “What is happening in Rakhine State is following the pattern of what has happened in Myanmar during the military government,” he said in an interview.

The crisis poses the biggest domestic challenge yet for the reformist leaders of one of Asia’s most ethnically diverse countries. Muslims make up about 5 percent of its 60 million people. Minorities, such as the Kachin and the Shan, are watching closely after enduring persecution under the former junta.

As the first powerful storm of the monsoon season approached western Myanmar this week, the government and U.N. agencies began a chaotic evacuation from the camps, urging thousands of Rohingya Muslims to move to safer areas on higher ground across Rakhine State.

Some resisted, fearing they would lose all they had left: their tarpaulin tents and makeshift huts. More than 50 are believed to have drowned in a botched evacuation by sea.

“THEY ALL TELL LIES”

Sittwe’s last remaining Muslim-dominated quarter, Aung Mingalar, is locked down by police and soldiers who patrol all streets leading in and out. Muslims can’t leave without written permission from Buddhist local authorities, which Muslims say is almost impossible to secure.

Metal barricades, topped with razor wire, are opened only for Buddhist Rakhines. Despite a ban against foreign journalists, Reuters was able to enter Aung Mingalar. Near-deserted streets were flanked by shuttered shops. Some Muslims peered from doors or windows.

On the other side of the barricades, Rakhine Buddhists revel in the segregation.

“I don’t trust them. They are not honest,” said Khin Mya, 63, who owns a general store on Sittwe’s main street. “Muslims are hot-headed; they like to fight, either with us or among themselves.”

Ei Mon Kyaw, 19, who sells betel nut and chewing tobacco, said Muslims are “really dirty. It is better we live apart.”

State spokesman Win Myaing, a Buddhist, explained why Aung Mingalar’s besieged Muslims were forbidden from speaking to the media. “It’s because they all tell lies,” he said. He also denied the government had engaged in ethnic cleansing, a charge leveled most recently by Human Rights Watch in an April 22 report.

“How can it be ethnic cleansing? They are not an ethnic group,” he said from an office on Sittwe’s main street, overlooking an empty mosque guarded by soldiers and police.

His comments reflect a historic dispute over the origins of the country’s estimated 800,000 Rohingya Muslims, who claim a centuries-old lineage in Rakhine State.

The government says they are Muslim migrants from northern neighbor Bangladesh who arrived during British rule from 1824. After independence in 1948, Myanmar’s new rulers tried to limit citizenship to those whose roots in the country predated British rule. A 1982 Citizenship Act excluded Rohingya from the country’s 135 recognized ethnic groups, denying them citizenship and rendering them stateless. Bangladesh also disowns them and has refused to grant them refugee status since 1992.

The United Nations calls them “virtually friendless” and among the world’s most persecuted people.

BOAT PEOPLE EXODUS

The state government has shelved any plan to return the Rohingya Muslims to their villages on a technicality: for defying a state requirement that they identify themselves as “Bengali,” a term that suggests they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

All these factors are accelerating an exodus of Rohingya boat people emigrating in rickety fishing vessels to other Southeast Asian countries.

From October to March, between the monsoons, about 25,000 Rohingya left Myanmar on boats, according to new data from Arakan Project, a Rohingya advocacy group. That was double the previous year, turning a Rakhine problem into a region-wide one.

The cost of the one-way ticket is steep for an impoverished people – usually about 200,000 kyat, or $220, often paid for by remittances from family members who have already left.

Many who survive the perilous journeys wind up in majority-Muslim Malaysia. Some end up in U.N. camps, where they are denied permanent asylum. Others find illegal work on construction sites or other subsistence jobs. Tens of thousands are held in camps in Thailand. Growing numbers have been detained in Indonesia.

MOB VIOLENCE

Rakhine State, one of the poorest regions of Southeast Asia’s poorest country, had high hopes for the reform era.

In Sittwe’s harbor, India is funding a $214 million port, river and road network that will carve a trade route into India’s landlocked northeast. From Kyaukphyu, a city 65 miles southeast of Sittwe, gas and oil pipelines stretch to China’s energy-hungry northwest. Both projects capitalize on Myanmar’s growing importance at Asia’s crossroads.

That promise has been interrupted by communal tensions that flared into the open after the rape and murder of a Buddhist woman by Muslim men in May last year. Six days later, in retribution, a Buddhist mob beat 10 Muslims to death. Violence then swept Maungdaw, one of the three Rohingya-majority districts bordering Bangladesh, on June 8. Rohingya mobs destroyed homes and killed an unknown number of Rakhines.

The clashes spread to Sittwe. More than 2,500 homes and buildings went up in flames, as Rohingya and Rakhine mobs rampaged. When the smoke cleared, both suffered losses, though the official death toll for Rohingya – 57 – was nearly double that for Buddhist Rakhines. Entire Muslim districts were razed.

October saw more violence. This time, Buddhist mobs attacked Muslim villages across the state over five days, led in some cases by Rakhine nationalists tied to a powerful political party, incited by Buddhist monks and abetted at times by local security forces..

U.S. President Barack Obama, on a groundbreaking visit in November, urged reconciliation. “The Rohingya … hold within themselves the same dignity as you do, and I do,” he said. The week he visited, Thein Sein vowed to forge ethnic unity in a letter to the United Nations.

But the violence kept spreading. Anti-Muslim unrest, whipped up by Buddhist monks, killed at least 44 people in the central city of Meikhtila in March. In April and May, Buddhist mobs destroyed mosques and hundreds of Muslim homes just a few hours’ drive from Yangon, the country’s largest city.

Thein Sein responded by sending troops to volatile areas and setting up an independent commission into the Rakhine violence. Its recommendations, released April 27, urged meetings of Muslim and Buddhist leaders to foster tolerance, Muslims to be moved to safer ground ahead of the storm season, and the continued segregation of the two communities “until the overt emotions subside.”

It sent a strong message, calling the Rohingya “Bengalis,” a term that suggests they belong in Bangladesh, and backing the 1982 citizenship law that rendered stateless even those Rohingya who had lived in Myanmar for generations.

The Rohingya’s rapid population growth had fueled the clashes with Buddhists, it said, recommending voluntary family-planning education programs for them. It suggested doubling the number of soldiers and police in the region.

Rohingya responded angrily. “We completely reject this report,” said Fukan Ahmed, 54, a Rohingya elder who lost his home in Sittwe.

Local government officials, however, were already moving to impose policies in line with the report.

THE HATED LIST

On the morning of April 26, a group of state officials entered the Theak Kae Pyin refugee camp. With them were three policemen and several Border Administration Force officers, known as the Nasaka, a word derived from the initials of its Burmese name. Unique to the region, the Nasaka consists of officers from the police, military, customs and immigration. They control every aspect of Rohingya life, and are much feared.

Documented human-rights abuses blamed on the Nasaka include rape, forced labor and extortion. Rohingya cannot travel or marry without the Nasaka’s permission, which is never secured without paying bribes, activists allege.

State spokesman Win Myaing said the Nasaka’s mission was to compile a list identifying where people had lived before the violence, a precondition for resettlement. They wanted to know who was from Sittwe and who was from more remote townships such as Pauktaw and Kyaukphyu, areas that saw a near-total expulsion of Muslims in October.

Many fled for what Win Myaing said were unregistered camps outside Sittwe, often in flood-prone areas. “We would like to move them back to where they came from in the next two months,” said Win Myaing. The list was the first step towards doing that.

The list, however, also required Muslims to identify themselves as Bengali. For Fukan Ahmed and other Rohingya leaders, it sent a chilling message: If they want to be resettled, they must deny their identity.

Agitated crowds gathered as the officials tried to compile the list, witnesses said. Women and children chanted “Rohingya! Rohingya!” As the police officers were leaving, one tumbled to the ground, struck by a stone to his head, according to Win Myaing. Rohingya witnesses said the officer tripped. Seven Rohingya were arrested and charged with causing grievous hurt to a public servant, criminal intimidation and rioting.

Compiling the list is on hold, said Win Myaing. So, too, is resettlement.

“If they trust us, then (resettlement) can happen immediately. If you won’t even accept us making a list, then how can we try and do other things?” he asked. The crisis could be defused if Rohingya accepted the 1982 Citizenship Law, he said.

But doing so would effectively confirm their statelessness. Official discrimination and lack of documentation meant many Rohingya have no hope of fulfilling the requirements.

Boshi Raman, 40, said he and other Rohingya would never sign a document calling themselves Bengali. “We would rather die,” he said.

Win Myaing blamed the Rohingya for their misfortune. “If you look back at the events that occurred, it wasn’t because the Rakhines were extreme. The problems were all started by them,” the Muslims, he said.

SCORCHED EARTH

In Theak Kae Pyin camp, a sea of tarpaulin tents and fragile huts built of straw from the last rice harvest, there is an air of growing permanence. More than 11,000 live in this camp alone, according to U.N. data. Naked children bathe in a murky-brown pond and play on sewage-lined pathways.

A year ago, before the unrest, Haleda Somisian lived in Narzi, a Sittwe district of more than 10,000 people. Today, it is rubble and scorched earth. Somisian, 20, wants to return and rebuild. Her husband, she says, has started to beat her. In Narzi, he worked. Now he is jobless, restless and despondent.

“I want to leave this place,” she said.

Some of those confined to the camps are Kaman Muslims, who are recognized as one of Myanmar’s 135 official ethnic groups; they usually hold citizenship and can be hard to tell apart from Rakhine Buddhists. They fled after October’s violence when their homes were destroyed by Rakhine mobs in remote townships such as Kyaukphyu. They, too, are prevented from leaving.

Beyond Sittwe, another 50,000 people, mostly Rohingya, live in similar camps in other parts of the state destroyed in last year’s sectarian violence.

Across the state, the U.N relief agency has provided about 4,000 tents and built about 300 bamboo homes, each of which can hold eight families. Another 500 bamboo homes are planned by year-end. None are designed to be permanent, said agency spokeswoman Vivian Tan. Tents can last six months to a year; bamboo homes about two years.

The agency wants to provide the temporary shelter that is badly needed. “But we don’t want in any way to create permanent shelters and to condone any kind of segregation,” Tan said.

Aid group Doctors Without Borders has accused hardline nationalists of threatening its staff, impairing its ability to deliver care. Mobile clinics have appeared in some camps, but a U.N. report describes most as “insufficient.”

Waadulae, suffering from rabies, was treated at Dar Paing hospital, whose lone worker, Maung Maung Hla, was overwhelmed. “We have run out of antibiotics,” he said. “There is no malaria medicine. There’s no medicine for tuberculosis or diabetes. No vaccines. There’s no equipment to check peoples’ condition. There are no drips for people suffering from acute diarrhea.”

State spokesman Win Myaing said Rakhine doctors feared entering the camps. “It’s reached a stage where they say they’d quit their jobs before they would go to these places,” he said.

The treatment of the Rohingya contrasts with that of some 4,080 displaced ethnic Rakhine Buddhists in central Sittwe. They can leave their camps freely, work in the city, move in with relatives in nearby villages and rebuild, helped by an outpouring of aid from Burmese business leaders.

Hset Hlaing, 33, who survives on handouts from aid agencies at Thae Chaung camp, recalls how he earned 10,000 kyat ($11 a day) from a general-goods stall in Sittwe before his business and home went up in flames last June. Like other Muslims, he refuses to accept the term Bengali.

“I don’t want to go to another country. I was born here,” he says, sipping tea in a bamboo shack. “But if the government won’t accept us, we will leave. We’ll go by boat. We’ll go to a country that can accept us.”

(Edited by Andrew R.C. Marshall and Bill Tarrant.)

It is only my comment about Suu Kyi’s interview on BBC. Suu Kyi lying,why?

Suu Kyi lying,why?At least Suu Kyi should respect to herself but her tune proved that the exacerbating tension between Muslims and Buddhist is on the base of religious and nationalism but lying,why?.She is a pious political leader following Buddism and fearing to tell any real guilty against Buddhist although all the muslims community is under the sword of monk, pre-planned to clear completely from the land of Myanmar.
I would like to ask her, What kind of leader you are?What are the charateristics of a leader?Why are you barking on every campign for the tranparency?Did you mean, hiding of the truth is tranparency?
Greediness is dangerous, to become a president is a dream for her but approved by west. It isn’t a positive sign for Myanmar to elect her as a president as she is a west handle with a western family.
My last conclusion is “She will be one of the bittest leader of our country if unfortunately she was elected”.

Thanks

It is only my comment about Suu Kyi’s interview on BBC.I would like to recv more analysis on her ideology from all of muslim world.

I think her greediness to become a president is overwhelmed all the truth that is well known and clear before all over the world but pursuing and waiting to take to the right position of the goverment in the possible time.She should respect to herself, was respected by the rest world.I know politic is a dirty game but telling the truth is bravery and charateristic of an honest leader.

I want to convey her “No every president is respectful but one who respect to himself,a liar wouldn’t be respectable”.

Thanks

Local Rakhine state hospitals refusing to treat Muslims, say MSF

Saturday, October 19, 2013

By Radio Australia

October 18, 2013

In Myanmar’s troubled Rakhine state, minority Muslims live under apartheid-like conditions, housed in temporary camps and segregated from the majority Buddhist population.

This has led to a health care crisis as Muslims are subject to strict movement restrictions and local hospitals are known to refuse to treat them.

Presenter:Jared Ferrie

Speaker: Vickie Hawkins, the deputy head of mission, Medecines Sans Frontiers; Myint Aung, villager

FERRIE: In townships around the Rakhine capital of Sittwe, Muslims who need serious medical attention must wait hours and even days before being able to visit the one hospital that will treat them. They are not allowed to visit local hospitals. Instead they must travel to Sittwe General Hospital, which has a special ward for Muslims.

But Muslims are not allowed to travel freely, so aid agencies like Medecines Sans Frontiers must negotiate with local authorities to transport each individual. This can create delays and it’s already costed lives, says Vickie Hawkins, the deputy head of mission.

HAWKINS: teams have returned to the field the following day to find the patient has died overnight.

FERRIE: Part of the reason township hospitals won’t treat Muslims is that medical staff are afraid.

HAWKINS: We do know of instances where patients have attempted to get into township hospitals or township hospitals have attempted to treat Muslim patients and have been threatened on the basis of it.

FERRIE: Rakhine state has been wracked by clashes between Muslims and Buddhists that first broke out in June last year, and have left more than 140,000 homeless. Most of the displaced are Muslims.

HAWKINS: Important to note that those were communities that had access to the public health care system prior to the violence, but now due to movement restrictions no longer have that access.

FERRIE: The health crisis currently affects only townships around Sittwe, which saw the worst clashes.Mobs started forming in the main town of Thandwe and attacked Muslims in five villages. Police were dispatched but they weren’t always successful in protecting the Muslims, according to Myint Aung whose home in Tha Phyu Chai village was burnt to the ground.

MYINT AUNG: Soldier gave the order all of the Muslim have to stay in their home, they will take the action for them, nobody should go out. So all of them, they are hidden in their home.

After that Buddhist mob burnt their houses and destroyed their houses.

FERRIE: Five Muslims were killed in the violence, including an elderly couple in Tha Phyu Chiang who were slashed with machetes.

MYINT AUNG: The man is over 80 years old and the woman over 90 years old. They couldn’t run away.

FERRIE: Muslims injured in the violence in Thandwe did receive treatment in township hospitals. But MSF’s Victoria Hawkins is worried that they could be denied health care in the future if violence continues.

HAWKINS:: What I would be very concerned about is if health facilities start to come in for the same kind of intimidation or abuse as they do in the areas around Sittwe. The government needs to prevent that from happening.

FERRIE: The government is worried too about the spread of violence in Rakhine. As Muslim homes were burning in Thandwe earlier this month, President Thein Sein visited several communities and pleaded with Buddhist and Muslim leaders to keep the peace. in temporary camps and segregated from the majority Buddhist population.

This has led to a health care crisis as Muslims are subject to strict movement restrictions and local hospitals are known to refuse to treat them.

Presenter:Jared Ferrie

Speaker: Vickie Hawkins, the deputy head of mission, Medecines Sans Frontiers; Myint Aung, villager

FERRIE: In townships around the Rakhine capital of Sittwe, Muslims who need serious medical attention must wait hours and even days before being able to visit the one hospital that will treat them. They are not allowed to visit local hospitals. Instead they must travel to Sittwe General Hospital, which has a special ward for Muslims.

But Muslims are not allowed to travel freely, so aid agencies like Medecines Sans Frontiers must negotiate with local authorities to transport each individual. This can create delays and it’s already costed lives, says Vickie Hawkins, the deputy head of mission.

HAWKINS: teams have returned to the field the following day to find the patient has died overnight.

FERRIE: Part of the reason township hospitals won’t treat Muslims is that medical staff are afraid.

HAWKINS: We do know of instances where patients have attempted to get into township hospitals or township hospitals have attempted to treat Muslim patients and have been threatened on the basis of it.

FERRIE: Rakhine state has been wracked by clashes between Muslims and Buddhists that first broke out in June last year, and have left more than 140,000 homeless. Most of the displaced are Muslims.

HAWKINS: Important to note that those were communities that had access to the public health care system prior to the violence, but now due to movement restrictions no longer have that access.

FERRIE: The health crisis currently affects only townships around Sittwe, which saw the worst clashes.Mobs started forming in the main town of Thandwe and attacked Muslims in five villages. Police were dispatched but they weren’t always successful in protecting the Muslims, according to Myint Aung whose home in Tha Phyu Chai village was burnt to the ground.

MYINT AUNG: Soldier gave the order all of the Muslim have to stay in their home, they will take the action for them, nobody should go out. So all of them, they are hidden in their home.

After that Buddhist mob burnt their houses and destroyed their houses.

FERRIE: Five Muslims were killed in the violence, including an elderly couple in Tha Phyu Chiang who were slashed with machetes.

MYINT AUNG: The man is over 80 years old and the woman over 90 years old. They couldn’t run away.

FERRIE: Muslims injured in the violence in Thandwe did receive treatment in township hospitals. But MSF’s Victoria Hawkins is worried that they could be denied health care in the future if violence continues.

HAWKINS:: What I would be very concerned about is if health facilities start to come in for the same kind of intimidation or abuse as they do in the areas around Sittwe. The government needs to prevent that from happening.

FERRIE: The government is worried too about the spread of violence in Rakhine. As Muslim homes were burning in Thandwe earlier this month, President Thein Sein visited several communities and pleaded with Buddhist and Muslim leaders to keep the peace.

Birth rate; crude (per 1;000 people) in Myanmar

The Birth rate; crude (per 1;000 people) in Myanmar was last reported at 17.29 in 2010, according to a World Bank report published in 2012. Crude birth rate indicates the number of live births occurring during the year, per 1,000 population estimated at midyear. Subtracting the crude death rate from the crude birth rate provides the rate of natural increase, which is equal to the rate of population change in the absence of migration.This page includes a historical data chart, news and forecasts for Birth rate; crude (per 1;000 people) in Myanmar.

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Muslim Victims Say Myanmar Police Aided Attackers

 

Posted: 06 Oct 2013

 

In this Oct. 3, 2013 photo, a Muslim woman cries after Rakhine state chief minister’s motorcade passed through a road in Shwehlay village, in Thandwe, Rakhine State, western Myanmar. The woman cried after government authorities who visited the burnt villages in Shwehlay comforted and gave donations to the victims. Her home was among more than 100 burned down in attacks that occurred just hours before President Thein Sein visited the area. (AP Photo/Khin Maung Win)

 

By Robin Mcdowell

October 6 2013

THANDWE, Myanmar (AP) — Even as the president came to western Myanmar to urge an end to sectarian violence last week, security forces could not prevent Buddhist mobs from torching the homes of minority Muslims or hacking them to death, at times, unwittingly, even encouraging them.
 
That has raised questions about the government’s ability to quench a virulent strain of religious hatred blamed for the deaths of more than 240 people in the last 18 months.
 
Five Muslims were killed in the attack Tuesday in Thandwe township, just hours before President Thein Sein touched down for a scheduled visit.
 
He promised an immediate investigation and, with uncharacteristic speed, state-run media by Saturday night said 44 suspects had been arrested, though few other details were released.
 
Still, as soldiers walked the dusty streets in the hardest-hit village of Thabyuchaing, semi-automatics slung across their shoulders, Myint Aung and other Muslims residents were afraid.
 
They said authorities had plenty of opportunities to prevent a series of attacks Tuesday, each more brutal than the next, but did nothing. More than 110 homes were burned to the ground, and nearly 500 people were left homeless.
 
Initially, the Buddhist mobs numbering about 150 entered before dawn, setting one house on fire, but Muslim residents were able to push them back, said the 52-year-old, standing before a charred mosque and several homes.
 
Police detained three suspects soon after, but released them almost immediately following threats of more violence, he said.
 
Though police promised the Muslims villagers protection — and disarmed them and ordered them back into their homes — the mobs returned in even greater numbers at 9:30 a.m., and then again at 2:30 p.m.
 
Among the dead were a 94-year-old woman and an 89-year-old man, both too old to run, each with multiple stab wounds.
 
“We had no way to protect ourselves” said Win Myint, 51, another resident, standing in front of his demolished home, echoing complaints heard by victims in other attacks across the state.
 
“And the police did nothing. They just looked on. Now everyone is living in fear now.”
 
In an interview with Associated Press in New York, Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin denied the charges that law enforcement or government troops failed to take necessary action.
 
There was more sectarian violence in Myanmar late Saturday, this time in the southern delta region, with police and residents saying Buddhist mobs destroyed a pair of Muslim homes. It was the first time sectarian unrest was reported in the area since the violence started in June 2012.
 
The violence in the town of Kyaunggon, about 120 kilometers (75 miles) west of the main city of Yangon, came after news spread that a 14-year-old girl had allegedly been raped by a Muslim man. Kyaunggon resident Myint Soe said mobs destroyed the rape suspect’s home, as well as the home of another Muslim man elsewhere in the town. Police confirmed the violence and said Kyauggon was calm Sunday.
 
Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million, is undergoing a mind-boggling political transformation after a half-century of brutal military rule.
 
But greater freedoms of expression have had a dark side, exposing deep-seated hatred toward Muslims that, fueled by radical monks, have ignited attacks first in western Rakhine state and then from Meikhtila in the country’s center to Lashio near the Chinese border.
 
Under the new democratization, a poorly trained and ill-equipped police force — made up almost exclusively of Buddhists — is now tasked with dealing with sectarian violence, the army only stepping in at the invitation of civilian authorities or during states of emergency.
 
The results, on many occasions, have been disastrous.
 
“From the facts as presented, it appears the police failed to do their job properly,” said Jim Della-Giacoma, the Asia program director for the International Crisis Group, a research organization.
 
“But it is not just the authorities fault here,” he said. “The community is being riled up by extremists. There is no justification for such violence.”
 
Tensions started to build in Thandwe one week ago, when a Buddhist taxi driver accused a Muslim shop owner of being abusive over a parking space dispute.
 
Several houses were burned or damaged in the hours that followed, and by Tuesday the anger exploded into mass violence.
 
Thein Sein was quoted by state media as saying he was “suspicious of the motives” of those who turned a “trivial argument and ordinary crime into racial and religious clashes.”
 
“According to the evidence in hand, rioters who set fire to the villages are outsiders,” he said. “Participation of all is needed to expose and arrest those who were involved in the incident and those instigating the conflict behind the scene.”
 
“Action will be taken in accordance with the law, without discrimination on the grounds of race and religion,” he said.
 
In what appeared to be rare criticism of “969,” a state media report said some organizations had distributed religious flags that were hung in front of thousands of Buddhist-owned homes and shops.
 
A Buddhist-led campaign, “969” has taken root nationwide with its supporters urging Buddhists to shop only at Buddhist stores and avoid marrying Muslims or selling homes to them.
 
Billboards with the logo were seen lining the bumpy roads.
 
Muslims in and around Thandwe also blamed outsiders, saying they had existed peacefully side by side with Buddhists for generations and never imagined it could be otherwise.
 
“Now, suddenly, anyone who believes in Islam is seen as the enemy,” said U Win Myint, a 51-year-old member of the ethnic Kaman Muslim minority. “They are targeting us just for our beliefs.”
 
Others specifically blamed 969 and “northern Rakhines.”
 
Zaw Lay Khar, 62, who lost her mother in the attack, described how mobs waving swords and knives came into the village.
 
“There was nothing we could do but run,” she said, adding that while the faces of the attackers were largely unfamiliar, she saw some Buddhist neighbors pointing out Muslim homes.
 
“I don’t know how this happened,” she said.